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Impeachable Offenses?

~ Examining the Case for Removal of the 45th President of the United States

Impeachable Offenses?

Tag Archives: Impeachment

An illustrative hypothetical…

28 Saturday Sep 2019

Posted by impeachableoffenses in Uncategorized

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Barack Obama, donald trump, Impeachment, Impeachment for Trump Ukraine contacts, Mitt Romney, ukraine

By Frank Bowman

This semester, I have the pleasure of teaching a seminar titled “Impeachment & the American Constitutional Balance” one day per week at Georgetown. I have a group of first-rate students who will be writing about a variety of impeachment-related topics throughout the semester. Sometimes, I’ll post their work here.

In yesterday’s class we talked about the historical definition of “high crimes and misdemeanors” and then turned to the week’s revelations about Mr. Trump’s contacts with Ukraine.

Max Lesser posed the following hypothetical, which readers may find thought-provoking:

It’s 2012 and President Obama is running against Mitt Romney. Obama has just “lost” the first presidential debate, and his re-election campaign looks to be in trouble. Obama has noticed his attacks on Mitt Romney having off-shore bank accounts in the Cayman Islands seems to be having an effect, however, and a plan is hatched.

The Cayman Islands have just been hit by a hurricane and are desperate for aid and relief. President Obama unilaterally directs his Chief of Staff to freeze $400 million in aid to the Cayman Islands. President Obama calls the Prime Minister of the Cayman Islands, who immediately requests the aid they desperately need and have historically received. Obama tells him the U.S. has been very good to the Cayman Islands in the past, better than any other country. The relationship hasn’t been, reciprocal, however, and the President needs a “favor.” He says the Prime Minister should look into the Romneys’ holdings in the Cayman Islands, especially his son Tagg, who appears to be cashing in on his father’s name. This is because President Obama is concerned about “corruption.” Nothing to do with re-election. 

Obama tells the Cayman Islands PM to coordinate with his Attorney General Eric Holder and his non-government employee private attorney, Michael Avenatti, who has been the main point of contact this far. He says they will be in touch. The Cayman Islands PM realizes he will have little choice but to bend to these demands.

Obama administration staff, realizing the transcript of this call is likely criminal and at a minimum extremely problematic, violates protocol to store the conversation in safes meant for critical national security interests. A whistleblower comes forward to expose these actions, and the administration releases a transcript of the call that confirms the allegations. 

A day later President Obama implies the whistleblower is a “spy” who should be treated the way we did in the “old days.” I.E. He appears to be obviously implying the death penalty. 

How do you think the Republican House of Representatives will respond? 

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If Trump’s Ukraine contacts aren’t impeachable, nothing is

26 Thursday Sep 2019

Posted by impeachableoffenses in Uncategorized

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George Mason, Impeach Donald Trump, Impeachment, Impeachment for corruption of electors, Impeachment for Ukraine, Richard Nixon, Trump call to Ukrainian president

By Frank Bowman

Today, on CNN.com, I expanded on my conclusion of two days ago that Mr. Trump should indeed be impeached. You can read my comments at this link — https://www.cnn.com/2019/09/25/opinions/trump-ukraine-call-if-this-isnt-impeachable-nothing-is-bowman/index.html

I’ve also inserted the text of the piece below:

(CNN)The White House released a rough transcript Wednesday of a July phone call between President Trump and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, indicating that the President pressured a foreign leader to gather dirt on a political opponent.

As a result, we now have facts quite distinct from any that have come out about this President before — and the strongest, or at least most easily explainable, case for impeachment to date.

The allegations at the heart of special counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation into Russia’s interference in the 2016 election concerned Trump’s conduct while he was a candidate for office. There is good authority from the founding era that an effort to corrupt the electoral process ahead of an election might be impeachable. For example, at the 1787 Constitutional Convention, both George Mason and Gouverneur Morris observed that a president who “procured his appointment” by corrupting the electors must be impeachable.

But since impeachment is at its core about a president’s misuse of office or suitability to hold it, pre-inauguration conduct at least raises a tricky question. Whatever happened with the Russians during the 2016 election, Trump wasn’t then in a position to use the organs of the American state to encourage foreign interference.

Trump’s attempts to pressure Ukraine to investigate former Vice President Joe Biden, on the other hand, happened after Trump became President and had sworn an oath to faithfully execute his office and “preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States.”

With Russia, the most that can be said is that Trump expressed a willingness to receive political help from a hostile foreign power. Mueller could not prove there had been direct contact between the Trump campaign and Russian officials to coordinate that help. It remains troubling, if not impeachable, that the help was nonetheless delivered in the form of leaks and a social media misinformation campaign aimed at Trump’s opponent.

There are three key differences between the Russian and Ukrainian situations that should affect the impeachment debate.

One: This week, it has been revealed that Trump personally spoke with a foreign head of state and directly asked for a foreign government to probe for negative information about a possible presidential opponent. In other words, Trump’s call with President Zelensky may well constitute the very thing Trump denied throughout the Mueller investigation: “colluding” with a foreign power for personal electoral advantage.

Two: The fact that Ukraine is not a powerful traditional adversary, like Russia, makes the case worse in several ways. It means that Trump was not asking a geopolitical equal for help; he was demanding help from a weakened country situated on the border of an increasingly aggressive Russia; a country part of whose territory has already been illegally annexed by Russia, and whose continued survival as an independent nation depends on military, economic and diplomatic support from the United States and its European allies in NATO. How can the request of “a favor” from the American President to such a country be understood as anything but an extortionate demand?

Three: Ever since the British invented impeachment in the 1300s, abuse of official power for personal gain has been on the short list of undeniably impeachable offenses in Great Britain and the United States. The second article of impeachment approved by the House Judiciary Committee against President Richard Nixon charged him with abuse of power. Nixon misused his domestic authority as President to get dirt on his political foes, and then used the powers of the federal government to try to cover it up.

But Nixon’s conduct was penny-ante compared to Trump’s. Trump didn’t cover up a second-rate burglary by a group of inept “plumbers” looking for dirt on Democrats. Rather, he appears to have wielded the entire economic, military and moral authority of a great nation to, effectively, extort another democratically elected head of state.

Leaving aside the question of impeachment, this episode must count as one of the most discreditable things any American President has ever done. Prior Presidents have been cruel or mean-spirited, bigoted or shortsighted, and sometimes exercised terrible judgment. And every President makes decisions with at least one eye on the political consequences. But I know of no comparable case where a President baldly, consciously misused the power of the whole nation for his own purely private political benefit, without even a credible claim that it was in the national interest.

If what Trump did here isn’t impeachable, nothing is.

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The Black Pardon

16 Thursday May 2019

Posted by crosbysamuel in Uncategorized

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Arpaio, canada, Conrad Black, Constitutional, conviction, D'Souza, donald trump, fraud, impeach, Impeachment, Mikaela Colby, Obstruction of Justice, pardon, pardon power, Paul F. Eckstein, president, trump

President Trump has pardoned Conrad Black of convictions for fraud and obstruction of justice from 2007. Black is a friend of Trump’s and a vocal supporter; he published a book entitled ‘Donald J. Trump: A President Like No Other’ last year. Black spent 3 years in prison as a result of his conviction and was banned from the United States for 30 years. This is the latest in a series of politically questionable pardons; readers will recall the Arpaio and D’Souza pardons. But the questions remains: when does a non-kosher pardon become an abuse of pardon power?

Paul F. Eckstein and Mikaela Colby tackle this question in their article entitled ‘Presidential Pardon Power: Are There Limits and, if Not, Should There Be?‘ published in the Arizona Law Journal. In that article the authors examine the history of the pardon power, its constitutional limits, and what remedies may exist for its abuse. They ultimately conclude that new limitations need to be introduced.

black.jpgDarren Calabrese / THE CANADIAN PRESS

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Trump and Pardon Power

12 Friday Apr 2019

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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constitution, donald trump, impeach, impeachable, Impeachment, Joe Arpaio, pardon, pardon power, Pepperdine, president, Sheriff, Tyler Brown

Tyler Brown’s article, “The Court Can’t Even Handle Me Right Now: The Arpaio Pardon and Its Effect on the Scope of Presidential Pardons,” published in the Pepperdine Law Review, examines the effect the President Trump’s pardon of Joe Arpaio will likely have on the law and Trump’s political standing:

The Constitution grants the president the power to pardon individuals for offenses against the United States. Courts have interpreted this power broadly, and the American public has historically accepted its use, even in the face of several controversial pardons over the last five decades. However, after President Trump pardoned Joe Arpaio—a former Arizona sheriff who was held in criminal contempt of court for continuing to illegally detain suspected undocumented immigrants—scholars, activists, and political figures questioned whether this pardon was unconstitutional. This Comment discusses the Court’s interpretation of the pardoning power, controversial pardons in modern history, and the details of the Arpaio pardon and the public’s response. After comparing the Arpaio pardon to previous pardons, analyzing constitutional arguments, and laying out the legal and political impact the pardon may have on the Trump administration, this Comment ultimately concludes that the Arpaio pardon is constitutionally suspect, but the current Court is not likely to make any changes to the pardoning power’s broad interpretation.

AP19003760665159.jpgAssociated Press

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Tax Returns and a Legitimate Purpose

07 Sunday Apr 2019

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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26 U.S.C. 6103, bowman, Chairman, Consovoy, Frank, House of Representatives, I.R.S., impeach, impeachable, Impeachment, legitimate reason, Richard Neal, Ross Garber, shall furnish, tax return, Treasury, Ways and Means Committee, William

The Ways and Means Committee of the United States House of Representatives has asked that the I.R.S. turn over President Trump’s tax returns and related information from the past six years. The Committee’s Chairman, Rep. Richard Neal, notes that the reason for his request is  to examine audit procedures for a president.

William S. Consovoy, retained by President Trump to represent him on this matter, responded to the request with a letter sent to the U.S. Treasury Department, advising the I.R.S. not to turn over the returns. He argues in that letter that President Trump has a privacy interest in his tax returns, which should be protected, and that the Ways and Means Committee has no legitimate reason for requesting  them. He claims that the reasons put forth by Neal are disingenuous and meant to hide his true motivation, which is purely political.

The congressional authority to request tax returns is codified in 26 U.S.C. section 6103(f), which reads in part:

“Upon written request from the chairman of the Committee on Ways and Means of the House of Representatives, the chairman of the Committee on Finance of the Senate, or the chairman of the Joint Committee on Taxation, the Secretary shall furnish such committee with any return or return information specified in such request . . . .”

Emphasis is added here to demonstrate that, generally, the I.R.S. does not have the discretion to refuse a request for tax records from Congress. However, as Ross Garber points out in a piece written for Politico, the Supreme Court has held that Congress exceeds its constitutional authority when requesting documents without a legitimate legislative purpose. He predicts a lengthy legal battle to determine whether such a legitimate reason actually exists, which Congress will ultimately  lose by reason of lack of legal authority or eventual mootness. Still, all is not lost. Garber points out that if the returns are not ultimately turned  over, then they could become a future article of  impeachment, for failure to turn over tax returns for improper reasons.

190404172526-trump-4-4-01-exlarge-169.jpgCNN

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Green to Continue the Push for Impeachment

31 Sunday Mar 2019

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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al green, articles of impeachment, Attorney General Barr, bigotry, Conspiracy, House of Representatives, impeach, impeaching, Impeachment, indictment, Mueller report, professor frank bowman, racism, Representative, Special Counsel, Summary, unfitness

Representative Al Green has expressed his intention to resubmit articles of impeachment this year. He introduced articles twice last year, citing Trump’s bigotry and racism as evidence of his lack of integrity and unfitness for office, and, forcing a vote on the floor, summoned the support of 60 democrats. He is not dissuaded by Attorney General Barr’s summary of Mueller’s report, and the lack of evidence of conspiracy between the President and the Russian government. He maintains that Trump is unfit for office because of his discriminatory decisions and statements.

Green’s position is similar, if more narrow, to that which has been put forth by Professor Bowman who presents  “a view of impeachment as an essential tool in the case of a president who consistently violates legal and behavioral norms essential to the preservation of American constitutional order.”

green.jpgDrew Angerer/Getty Images

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Barr Releases Summary of Mueller’s Report

24 Sunday Mar 2019

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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attorney general, Collusion, evidence, Federal Rules of Criminal Procedure 6(e), House of Representatives, impeach, Impeachment, indictment, insufficient, Obstruction of Justice, release, report, Robert Mueller, Rod Rosenstein, russia, Special Counsel, Summary, William Barr

Attorney General William Barr has released a four-page summary of Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s report. In it he announced that Mueller did not find sufficient evidence to establish the President Trump’s campaign conspired with Russian groups to manipulate the results of the 2016 election. Additionally, he writes that Mueller did not make a recommendation as to whether the President should be charged with obstruction of justice, but rather presented evidence on both sides of the issue and deferred to the Attorney General. Bar and Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein have decided not to pursue indictment of the President on that charge. Barr notes that he intends to release as much of the report as will not violate Federal Rule of Criminal Procedure 6(e), governing the release of grand jury information. After the release of Mueller’s findings, the House of Representatives will have to decide whether they believe the evidence is sufficient for impeachment.

48032044_303.jpg

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Documents Flooding the House

19 Tuesday Mar 2019

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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campaign, Collusion, documents, donald trump, House Judiciary Committee, impeach, Impeachment, investigation, nader, nancy pelosi, not worth it, Obstruction of Justice, subpoena, trump organization

A large number of the 81 individuals subject to the House Judiciary Committee’s “friendly subpoenas,” requests for documents sent to President Trump’s organization, campaign team, transition team, inaugural committee, and his personal associates for documents having to do with the committee’s probe into the allegations of Trump’s obstruction of justice, have already complied and sent documents. These documents could be used to lay the foundation for impeachment proceedings in the House; however, recent remarks by Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi, seem to indicate that said impeachment proceedings my never occur.

download (6).jpgMark Wilson/Getty Images

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Criminal Prosecution of a President

12 Tuesday Mar 2019

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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British, Crimes, donald trump, Founder, impeach, impeaching, Impeachment, indictment, Jurisdiction, president, prosecution, removal, sitting, W. Burlette Carter

Can a sitting president be indicted? W. Burlette Carter approaches this question from a historical perspective in her forthcoming article Can a Sitting President be Federally Prosecuted? The Founders Answer. Carter asserts that the Founder’s answer would be one based on jurisdiction:

The Founders would have recognized that, before the formal issuance of Articles of Impeachment, courts of law have the power to stay their own proceedings against a President for good cause, just as English/British common law courts with concurrent jurisdiction always could. And they would have have accepted that courts of law can, in the first instance, decide evidentiary issues such as executive privilege for matters proceeding in their fora. Again, despite Parliamentary power over impeachment, common law courts had long done so in England and Great Britain, so long as they otherwise had jurisdiction.

For an in-depth examination of the British and early American view on jurisdiction to prosecute the president, follow the link above.

190311-donald-trump-ap-773.jpgAlex Brandon/AP Photo

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An Obligation to Impeach?

02 Saturday Mar 2019

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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Akhil Reed Amar, campaign finance, constitution, High Crimes and Misdemeanors, House of Representatives, impeach, impeaching, Impeachment, insurance fraud, Jerrold Nadler, Michael Cohen, nancy pelosi, obligation, precedent, prosecutorial discretion, tax fraud

House Democrats are reportedly shying away from impeachment, even in light of Michael Cohen’s testimony, which may have implicated President Trump in acts of tax fraud, insurance fraud, and campaign finance violations. The New York times characterized the Dem’s approach to the impeachment inquiry as “a thousand cuts over a swing of the ax;” meaning a drawn out investigation has a greater chance of injuring Trump, by lowering his chance of reelection, than impeachment does, which could energize his base. However, the unwillingness to, at least doggedly, pursue impeachment, begs the question “is there an obligation to impeach?” Constitutional scholars have said no. Akhil Reed Amar wrote in his article On Impeaching Presidents, published in the wake of the Clinton Impeachment, about prosecutorial discretion in administering impeachment:

Article I, Section 2, of the Constitution gives the House the “power” to impeach, but imposes no duty to impeach. The Framers knew how to use the word “duty”–indeed they used it twice in Article II–and so there is no ambiguity here. House impeachment is about power, not duty–about choices, not obligations. Impeachment is never reducible to one question: Is the conduct in question impeachable? Instead it always also implicates a second question: Is it worth it? Just as a grand jury can legitimately decline to indict and a prosecutor may legitimately decline to prosecute as a matter of discretion– fairness concerns, resource constraints, bigger fish to fry, avoidance of undue harm to third parties–so too the new House may decide that the President and, more importantly, the nation have suffered enough. . . . The new House must be free to use this power as it sees fit. It is not a potted plant, and indeed enjoys greater democratic legitimacy than the lame-duck House that voted to impeach, contrary to the spirit of the people’s verdict in the November congressional election.

Regardless, Democrats should consider the value of precedent. Even if harming Trump’s chances of reelection has the same effect as his removal, it fails to set an example for future congressmen.

aeb39ce2-3c72-4653-8f31-900ad2bcbd3f-AP_Trump.jpgEvan Vucci, AP

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Frank O. Bowman, III


Floyd R. Gibson Missouri Endowed Professor of Law
University of Missouri School of Law

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