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Impeachable Offenses?

~ Examining the Case for Removal of the 45th President of the United States

Impeachable Offenses?

Tag Archives: Special Counsel

Stone and WikiLeaks

30 Tuesday Oct 2018

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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conspiracy to defraud, donald trump, election fraud, Impeachment, investigation, Mueller, president, Robert Mueller, roger stone, russia, russian collusion, Special Counsel, trump, wikileaks

Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigators are looking into comments Roger Stone, an adviser to President Trump and self-proclaimed “ultimate political insider,” made to those who called on his political insight. Stone said he knew of WikiLeak’s plans to release information which would affect the 2016 election, apparently referring to the Democratic National Convention emails which were hacked by Russian Intelligence Officials. Roger Stone also claimed to have a relationship with the founder of WikiLeaks, Julian Assange. The natural conclusion to be drawn here, is that a connection between Stone and WikiLeaks is a connection between Stone and Russia, which is ultimately a connection between Trump and Russia. Though Stone has yet to be indicted, he did admit in August that such a thing is possible. The possibility now is greater than it was then, and with Stone’s indictment may come a plea deal and cooperation.

roger_stone_ap_file.jpgANDREW HARNIK/ASSOCIATED PRESS/FILE

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Mueller’s Questions Exclude Obstruction

14 Sunday Oct 2018

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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donald, Elie Honig, impeach, investigation, Jonathan Turley, Mueller, Obstruction of Justice, president, questions, robert, russian collusion, Special Counsel, trump, written answers

Special Counsel Robert Mueller sent President Trump and his lawyers questions this week regarding collusion between the Trump Campaign and Russian officials. This represents a breakthrough in negotiations between the parties as to the scope of questioning of the President; however it is limited. The President’s answers will only be written. Given Trump’s history of contradictions this may be a safeguard against perjury. Commentators have noted that the series of questions leave out obstruction of justice.

Jonathan Turley, in an opinion piece written for The Hill, has theorized that the absence may indicate Mueller is not pursuing an obstruction charge. His supports his opinion by pointing out that obstruction of justice is a bad fit for the President’s alleged crimes, since the charge is normally applied to the obstruction of some kind of judicial proceeding. Elie Honig, a former federal prosecutor from New York, disagrees with Turley. He theorizes that if Mueller is presenting questions about collusion that must be because he is focused on specific conduct and doesn’t see “wiggle room” for the President in his answers. In his mind, the fact that Mueller isn’t giving questions about obstruction does not mean that he has given up on the charge, but rather that he is preparing for a legal battle that could go to the Supreme Court.

Regardless of Mueller’s motivation, readers would do well to remember that the crimes of obstruction and collusion are intimately involved. If it could be established that President Trump was involved in the Russian election interference, that would go a long way in establishing the mens rea required to convict the President of obstruction of justice — his corrupt influence, if you will.

trumpfirst_opi2jd.jpgKevin Lamarque/Reuters

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Was Mueller’s Appointment Constitutional?

01 Monday Oct 2018

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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Andrew Milller, donald trump, Impeachment, investigation, marine medvin, Mueller, Obstruction of Justice, paul kamenar, president, robert muelller, roger stone, russian collusion, Special Counsel, Washington D.C.

Marina Medvin, a contributor to Forbes.com, wrote today about a constitutional challenge which has been brought against the authority of Special Counsel Robert Mueller. The challenge was brought by counsel for Andrew Miller, an aide to Roger Stone, who was subpoenaed by Mueller. It comes in three parts: 1) that according to the Constitution, short of a presidential appointment, Congress must create a law empowering the Attorney General to appoint a special counsel and no such law exists; 2) even if such a law does exist, Attorney General Sessions’ recusal is not sufficient to empower Deputy Attorney General Rosenstein to make such an appointment; and 3) the powers which Mueller has utilized are far beyond those appropriate for a Special Counsel and are equivalent to those of a “super U.S. attorney.”

Miller’s argument lost in the district court and he has taken it up on appeal. Mueller filed a brief in response (interested readers can find it here). It is unclear what would happen to Mueller’s investigative findings should his powers be invalidated. The searches and subpoenas he has executed so far, if not backed by constitutional authority, are sure to equate to violations of the 4th amendment rights of his subjects. That being said, the invalidation of his power seems an unlikely result. As Mueller pointed out himself, there is strong precedent for his power, dating back to 1870.

download (1).jpg AP Photo

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Losing a Two-Front War

16 Sunday Sep 2018

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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campaign chairman, civil suit, conspiracy to defraud, constitution, domestic emoluments, donald trump, foreign emoluments clause, impeach, Impeachment, investigation, Manafort, maryland, Mueller, Obstruction of Justice, paul manafort, plea deal, president, Special Counsel, trump, trump internation hotel, two-front war, u.s. district court of maryland

This week has proven to be a difficult one for President Trump. As both civil and criminal investigations draw near and his tight spot becomes tighter, one can only begin to imagine his discomfort.

The world of Special Counsel Robert Mueller’s investigation has gotten a little brighter with the cooperation of Paul Manafort. Trump’s former Campaign chairman finally struck a plea deal last Friday and pleaded guilty to conspiracy to defraud the United States and obstruction of justice. Though Trump’s press secretary, Sarah Sanders, argues that the charges against Manafort have nothing to do with the President and could not incriminate him, Manafort apparently possesses information valuable enough for Mueller to agree to waive 5 of his 7 charges and argue leniency in his sentencing. Especially valuable is Manafort’s participation in the Russian lawyer meeting and any insight he may be able to give as to what happened there. Some theorize that Manafort’s cooperation promises the end of Mueller’s investigation.

On top of Mueller’s progress, Trump faces discovery requests pursuant to a civil suit in the U.S. District Court of Maryland. The suit alleges that Trump violated the Domestic and Foreign Emoluments Clauses of the United States Constitution through operation of the Trump International Hotel near the White House. Pursuant to those allegations, the plaintiffs, D.C. Attorney General Karl Racine and Maryland Attorney General Peter Frosh, are seeking communications between Trump and foreign and U.S. state government officials related to use of the hotel, records of the hotel’s business with foreign officials, records of cash transferred from the trust which collects the hotel’s funds to Trump, and documents from the General Services Administration and the U.S. Treasury Department which lease the hotel building to Trump.

The likely result of these two investigations is that allegations of impeachable offenses committed by Trump, conspiracy to defraud the American people, obstruction of justice, and violation of the emoluments clauses, will soon either be substantiated or refutable. And with midterm elections looming, this information could not have come at a better time. Soon there will be a Congress that can transform all of this discovery into articles of impeachment.

GettyImages-578331186-trump-manafort-2016-1120.jpgBill Clark, CQ Roll Call, Getty Images

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Getting to Know Jane Raskin

12 Wednesday Sep 2018

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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bloomberg, defense, donald, donald trump, impeach, investigation, jane raskin, Lawyer, Mueller, president, rudy giuliani, Special Counsel, trump, white collar

Readers might be interested in an article published by Bloomberg today entitled “Trump’s Little-Known Lawyer on the Front Lines Against Mueller.” It details the background of Jane Raskin, a white-collar defense lawyer from Florida. Though she is less talked about than Giuliani, Raskin has been working as President Trump’s lawyer since April, shortly after John Dowd left the position. She has gone head-to-head with Special Counsel Mueller’s deputy, Jim Quarles, over permissible communications with President Trump, conducted much of the research behind Trump defense, and is the lead writer of a report meant to counter Mueller’s eventual findings. Interestingly the lawyer has personal ties to Mueller: “both lawyers were prosecutors in Boston early in their careers — Raskin tried organized crime and racketeering cases for the Justice Department while Mueller investigated financial fraud, terrorism and money laundering for the U.S. attorney’s office.”

raskin.jpgraskinlaw.com

 

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The Value of Weisselberg

25 Saturday Aug 2018

Posted by crosbysamuel in Articles, Uncategorized

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allen, chief financial officer, clause, Collusion, constitution, cooperating, emoluments, financial, foreign, Impeachment, investigation, Mueller, records, russia, Special Counsel, trump, weisselberg

This Bloomberg article, written by Justin Sink, accounts for each of the Trump associates which are now helping to build a case against the President. Interestingly, included among their numbers is Allen Weisselberg, the chief financial officer of the Trump Organization. Information from Weisselberg could prove especially threatening to Trump.  He has been the C.F.O of the Trump Organization for years,  has worked with the Trump family in some capacity since 1970, serves as treasurer to President Trump’s personal foundation, and is the only non-family member that serves as a trustee to the trust that owns the Trump Organizations business interests. This is significant, because investigators have been previously unable to access Trump’s financial records. Now they have the next best thing. Weisselberg, with his intimate knowledge of the President’s finances, could provide the information previously sought from the records, such as evidence of Russian dealings or violations of the foreign emoluments clause. Even if this information is not sufficient to build a case, it could very well be sufficient enough to get a subpoena for the President’s records.

im-23399.jpgThe Wall  Street Journal

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No, the Grand Jury Can’t Proceed Without Mueller (or at least some federal prosecutor)

15 Thursday Feb 2018

Posted by impeachableoffenses in Uncategorized

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Bennett Gershman, David Yassky, grand jury, grand jury report, indictment, Robert Mueller, Special Counsel

By Frank Bowman

As regular readers of this site are well aware, I deeply disapprove of Mr. Trump, his shameless enablers, and all their works.  And I’m entirely in favor of employing the legitimate tools of both law and politics to oppose Mr. Trump and to expose his criminal or impeachable conduct, if any.

But, at least for me, that doesn’t mean anything goes. Indeed, because the fundamental sin of Trumpism,  from which all its other evils flow, is disregard of legal rules and norms, Trump critics have a special responsibility not to bend the law or misrepresent what it permits.  This being so, I have too regularly found myself in the role of starchy maiden aunt prudishly reproving fellow Trump critics when they trot out yet another implausible interpretation of the law or the mechanics of criminal practice.

Earlier this week, I got after Professor Larry Tribe and co-authors for suggesting that Congressman Devin Nunes committed obstruction of justice by releasing the infamous memo.  And sadly, I’m back at it today.

In the February 14 edition of Politico, law professors David Yassky and Bennett Gershman contended that, even if special counsel Robert Mueller and all his team were fired, somehow the grand jury empanelled to investigate the Trump-Russia connection could continue the investigation, and even produce an indictment. For a half-a-hundred reasons, some legal and some practical, this could not happen.  In my own piece on Politico today, linked here, I explain why.

I hope, in future, to spend more time on what Trump opponents can do, and less on what they can’t.

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Mueller’s Endgame: How a Failure to Indict the President Could Lead to Impeachment

31 Wednesday Jan 2018

Posted by impeachableoffenses in Uncategorized

≈ 12 Comments

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indictment, Mueller, Robert Mueller, Special Counsel

By Frank Bowman

Over the past few weeks, the interwebs have been teeming with confident declarations that this or that new tidbit of information amounts to the final proof — or at least another link in the chain of proof — that will allow Special Counsel Robert Mueller to conclude that Mr. Trump has committed the felony of obstruction of justice.  The problem with all this barstool lawyering, a problem sometimes acknowledged but more often ignored or glossed over, is that Mr. Mueller has no independent authority to secure an indictment against a sitting president.

A still more fundamental problem, at least if one hopes for Mr. Trump’s removal from office, is that even a felony conviction would not eject him.  Only impeachment performs that trick.  Therefore, all the fevered speculation about Mr. Mueller’s progress is futile unless there is a way for a prosecutor who cannot indict his most prominent potential target to place the case for that target’s criminality before congress, the only body authorized to determine whether criminality should mean impeachability.

There are at least two ways it could be done, and done in full compliance with both Mr. Mueller’s limited mandate and the internal rules of the Department of Justice.  First, Mueller could prepare a report and recommendation that Mr. Trump be indicted after he leaves office and trust that congress would find means of obtaining the report. Alternatively, Mueller could recommend immediate indictment, fully expecting rejection of that recommendation, and rely on the technicalities of the Justice Department’s own rules to ensure transmission of his recommendation and reasons to congress.

Let’s begin with a quick refresher on the limitations of Mr. Mueller’s office:

  • Mueller is a “special counsel” appointed under Department of Justice regulations, not an “independent counsel” of the Kenneth Starr sort appointed under the now-lapsed post-Watergate Ethics in Government Act of 1978.
  • An “independent counsel” exercised virtually the full powers of the Department of Justice and was not subject to supervisory control by the Attorney General.  Mr. Mueller has only the authority granted any United States Attorney. He remains subject to the chain of command of the Justice Department. In ordinary circumstances, he would answer to the Attorney General. Because Jeff Sessions has recused himself from this matter, Mueller answers to Deputy Attorney General Rod Rosenstein.
  • As special counsel, Mr. Mueller is subject to the “rules, regulations, procedures, practices and policies of the Department of Justice.” And while the regulations accord him an unusual degree of autonomy, his superior, here Mr. Rosenstein, can overrule him if he proposes doing something contrary to DOJ policy.

The “policy” of the Department of Justice, expressed in several legal opinions issued by the Office of Legal Counsel, is that federal prosecutors may not indict a sitting president. An OLC opinion is not “law” in the sense of binding anyone outside of the DOJ itself. But it does bind DOJ employees.  Therefore, if Mr. Mueller were to propose indicting Mr. Trump, that proposal would be contrary to Department policy. Deputy Attorney General Rosenstein could, and almost certainly would, order Mueller not to present the indictment to a grand jury.  Mueller would have to follow that order. Failure to do so would be an entirely proper ground for removing him.

Given this internal restriction on Special Counsel Mueller’s authority, one might ask whether Mueller has the power even to investigate whether Mr. Trump has committed any crime. The answer is plainly yes.  The letter commissioning Mueller charges him with investigating coordination between Russia and the Trump campaign and any crimes, such as obstruction, committed in an attempt to interfere with that investigation. It does not bar him from investigating the activities of persons who may be legally or practically immune from criminal prosecution. In this regard, Mr. Trump is no more immune from Mueller’s inquiries than Russians who might assert diplomatic immunity.

Mueller’s appointment letter also empowers him to prosecute any crimes discovered in the course of his investigation. The only question is whether DOJ rules restrict this authority in the case of a president.

Internal DOJ policy precludes prosecuting a president while he is in office. It does not claim that presidents cannot be prosecuted.  Indeed, any such claim would be untenable inasmuch as Article 1, Section 3, of the Constitution specifically provides that persons impeached “shall nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and Punishment, according to law.” At a minimum, this means that a president may be indicted after he leaves office (subject to any problems created by statutes of limitation, a tricky legal problem for another day).

Mueller’s appointment letter granting him prosecution authority does not require that he prosecute the crimes he discovers immediately. Accordingly, if the Mueller investigation yielded evidence that Mr. Trump committed a crime, Mueller would be entirely within his mandate to prepare a report setting out his findings and recommending that Mr. Trump be indicted as soon as he left office.

The difficulty with this option from the perspective of those hoping to base an impeachment inquiry on Mueller’s work is that he has no independent authority to release such a report to Congress or the public.  And it seems quite likely that a Justice Department under increasing pressure from the White House would make every effort to keep the report secret.  On the other hand, there is nothing in the special counsel regulations or any applicable law that requires secrecy in such a case. If it were to become known that such a report existed, someone in congress would request it.  And if Democrats gained control of either house of Congress in 2018 — a precondition for impeachment in any case — they would also gain the power to subpoena the report.

Suppose, however, that Mr. Mueller were to decide that Mr. Trump has committed crimes and that Congress should know of that conclusion promptly. Suppose further that Mueller were not disposed to rely on the vagaries of midterm elections, and still less to wait for the expiration of the Trump presidency. In that case, there is another path.

DOJ’s special counsel regulations provide that, if a special counsel proposes an action that the Attorney General (here Deputy Attorney General) rejects because it would be “inappropriate or unwarranted under established Departmental practices,” then the Attorney General must notify both the chairs and ranking minority members of both the House and Senate Judiciary Committees of the special counsel’s proposed action and an “explanation” of the reason for rejecting that action.

Hence, Mr. Mueller would be operating entirely according to protocol if, while not actually presenting an indictment to a grand jury, he recommended to Mr. Rosenstein that Mr. Trump be indicted. He would, of course, realize that doing so would contravene an existing OLC opinion. However, there would be nothing untoward if he concluded, with the concurrence of the superb appellate lawyers on his staff, that the OLC opinion should be reconsidered.  OLC conclusions are subject to internal re-evaluation all the time.

Of course, we can fairly predict that Mueller’s arguments, however learned, for changing DOJ policy on this point would be rejected.  But rejection of Mr. Mueller’s recommendation for indictment on the ground that it contravened “established Departmental practices” would trigger the mandatory report to congress required by 28 C.F.R. 600.9. Et voila!  Member of Congress from both parties, and in due course, the public would know that Mueller believed Mr. Trump committed a crime.

As clean as this second approach seems, there are two potentially significant flies in the ointment. First, the mandatory reporting requirement of 28 C.F.R. 600.9 is triggered only “upon conclusion of the Special Counsel’s investigation.”  One reading of this language is that it applies only after the Special Counsel completely wraps up all his responsibilities.  Deploying that interpretation, a Trump-influenced Justice Department could justify withholding congressional notification until Mueller finished not only investigating, but trying, all pending cases. Given that at least Manafort and Gates remain untried, trials could delay things a long while. Alternatively, the reporting requirement could be read as arising once the purely investigative phase of Mueller’s work ends, without regard to the resultant litigation. But that interpretation would carry the day inside the Department only if the person making the call were principled, courageous, and more committed to institutional integrity and the rule of law than to protecting the president.

Regardless of how the reporting requirement were read, if Mr. Mueller thought it central to his mission that his conclusions about Mr. Trump be reported to Congress expeditiously, he could abandon or fast-track pursuit of smaller fry, close up shop, and insist that the Department’s own rules be followed.

The second potential obstacle to this gambit is one not of law, but personal psychology. Mr. Mueller, by reputation a man who operates strictly by the book, might not be willing to formally propose indicting Mr. Trump knowing that the proposal would be summarily rejected as violating existing DOJ policy.  On the other hand, as a lawyer of no mean talent, he might find considerable satisfaction in deftly employing the letter of the law in the service of the Republic.

I like to think that, as a both an undoubted patriot and a career public servant not unaccustomed to harnessing formalism to larger ends, Mr. Mueller would not be averse to engaging in a bit of bureaucratic Kabuki theater in the interests of revealing Mr. Trump’s conduct to congress while there is yet time to do something about it.

We shall see.

 

 

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Much ado about titillating tidbits in the Mueller investigation

26 Friday Jan 2018

Posted by impeachableoffenses in Uncategorized

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Comey, McGahn, Mueller, Obstruction of Justice, Robert Mueller, Special Counsel

By Frank Bowman

In the last week,  several items surfaced in relation to the Mueller investigation that set the media atwitter, in both the traditional and social media senses.

First, as my invaluable RA and blog co-author Sam Crosby noted, the New York Times reports that last June Mr. Trump ordered the firing of special counsel Robert Mueller, but backed down after White House Counsel Donald McGahn threatened to resign if he followed through with the order.  Since the story broke, commentators have tended to fall into three camps.  Mr. Trump himself called the report “fake news.” (Notably, neither Mr. McGahn nor anyone else from the White House has so far denied its veracity.)  Those who accept the report as true but are disposed to defend Mr. Trump have argued that he was just blowing off steam, which is no offense.  Those who view Mr. Trump less favorably have suggested either that this event is evidence of Mr. Trump’s state of mind in relation to obstruction of justice (i.e., it tends to prove that actions like firing James Comey were undertaken for the purpose of obstructing the Russia investigation), or that the rescinded order was itself an attempt to obstruct justice.

On this one, I’m more sympathetic than usual to the pro-Trump camp. Standing alone, Trump’s reported order is of no consequence.  NEWS FLASH: President decides to do something politically stupid and possibly illegal, but is talked out of it!  That’s not a crime. It’s not an impeachable offense. At most it demonstrates, as if more demonstration were needed, the extraordinary variability of our wayward chief executive’s brain.

As for the multiple commentators straining to make Mr. Trump’s almost-firing of Mueller part of the mosaic of evidence in a case of obstruction of justice, well, yeah, I guess it adds a teensy bit to the argument that Mr. Trump had a corrupt purpose in firing Mr. Comey.  But, let’s face it, not much.  Bob Mueller’s job, after all, is to be a highly public thorn in the president’s side.  The temptation to sack him would be intense, even for a president who was both entirely innocent and far more temperate than Mr. Trump.  Nearly yielding to that temptation, but pulling up short of actually doing it, just doesn’t prove much.

The week’s other big Trump-Mueller story was Mr. Trump’s apparently off-the-cuff declarations that he’d be happy to talk on the record, under oath, to Mueller’s investigators.  This was treated as earth-shaking news, perhaps signaling confidence by White House counsel and Mr. Trump’s private lawyers that the Mueller investigation would be winding up soon with nothing untoward to report about Mr. Trump.  This interpretation survived for a few hours — roughly the period it took for Mr. Trump’s lawyers to pick themselves up off the floor, swear colorfully at their client’s incorrigible refusal to listen to their advice, knock back a neat whiskey or two, and then get on the phones to start walking the story back.

Personally, I put Mr. Trump’s assertion that he looks forward to talking with the Mueller team, under oath or otherwise, in the same bin with his statements  during the campaign that he would release his tax returns once they were no longer under audit.  Mr. Trump’s whole life is a saga of promises blithely made and even more blithely broken.  His egotism may persuade him that he could dance nimbly through the minefield of an encounter with really good prosecutors.  But my bet is that his lawyers will dissuade him from a voluntary interview by Mr. Mueller, and that they will resist any effort to compel an appearance before a grand jury.

In short, nothing much of consequence happened this week on the Mueller front. Stay tuned.

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The Firing of Flynn and Comey

24 Wednesday Jan 2018

Posted by crosbysamuel in Uncategorized

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ambassador, Collusion, Comey, firing, flynn, impeach, Impeachment, interview, kislyak, Mueller, Obstruction of Justice, president, russia, Special Counsel, trump

Special Counsel Robert Mueller is  seeking to interview President Trump about the firing of former FBI Director James Comey and the departure of former national security adviser Michael Flynn. Comey was in the midst of an investigation of Trump’s campaign’s connections with Russia when he was fired by the President, and Flynn resigned, apparently under pressure from the President, for lying about his contacts with the Russian Ambassador, Sergey Kislyak.

The firing of Comey has often been cited as obstruction of justice, and the removal of both Comey and Flynn could indicate that the President is guilty of collusion. Regardless of whether that is the case, however, Mueller’s attempts to interview the President indicate that he is nearing the end of his investigation. Whether the President will submit to an interview remains to be seen.

170517210646-comey-mueller-super-tease.jpgNicholas Kamm/AFP/Getty Images

 

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Frank O. Bowman, III


Floyd R. Gibson Missouri Endowed Professor of Law
University of Missouri School of Law

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  • Defining Impeachable Conduct
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